Most of the quotations in this post are from Paul Silva's short paper Interest -- The Curious Emotion (gated). The paper has such a high signal to noise ratio that I was tempted to reproduce the whole thing here, and, in fact, I practically did. (Dr. Silva, should you stumble upon this post, I am willing to take this post down if you think I have quoted excessively.)
A few other quotations come from Lennart Sjöberg's review of Paul Silva's book Exploring the Psychology of Interest.
---
1. How is interest different from curiosity (if at all)?
The two concepts may refer to different psychological processes that are reflected in their semantics, but so far there has been no convincing empirical research supporting the distinction. Silvia treats them as synonyms, and so did Berlyne.
2. Is interest an emotion? If so, how does it compare to other emotions?
Interest is an eccentric emotion. Many theories don’t include interest in their lists of major emotions, and a few theories reject interest as an emotion altogether. ... Modern emotion psychology doesn’t know much about what I’ll call knowledge emotions: states such as interest, confusion, surprise, and awe.
A good case can be made for viewing interest as an emotion. Modern theories of emotion propose that emotions are defined by a cluster of components. Typical emotional components are physiological changes, facial and vocal expressions, patterns of cognitive appraisal, a subjective feeling, and an adaptive role across the lifespan. Interest appears to have these components: It has a stable pattern of cognitive appraisals, a subjective quality, and adaptive functions. Interest’s physiological and expressive components, not surprisingly, are associated with orientation, activation, concentration, and approach-oriented action. Interest lacks the smiling and eye-crinkling expressions of happiness. Instead, interest involves movements of muscles in the forehead and eyes that are typical of attention and concentration. When interested, people often still and tilt the head, which aids in tracking objects and sounds. Interest’s vocal expression involves a faster rate of speech and greater range in vocal frequency. Taken together, interest appears to have the features typical of emotions.
3. What makes something interesting? What are its causes?
This deceptively simple question has proved to be hard to answer. Any theory of what makes something interesting runs into two problems. First, people differ in whether they find something interesting. ... Second, the same person will differ in interest over time. A once-interesting book can become boring, confusing, frustrating, or aversive. These two problems ... confound theories that attribute interest to objective features of objects. For example, classic theories proposed that objective stimulus features—particularly novelty, complexity, uncertainty, and conflict—evoked feelings of interest. Even some modern theories assume that some things (e.g., themes of sexuality and death) are inherently interesting to nearly everyone, an assumption that is probably wrong.
But, Silva offers the appraisal theory:
Appraisal theories of emotion propose that emotions come from subjective evaluations of events: People appraise an event’s meaning, and these appraisals bring about emotions. Emotions are thus caused by how people appraise what is happening, not by what is actually happening. Because people will interpret a situation differently, they will have different emotions in response to the situation. ...
In my research, I have suggested that interest comes from two appraisals. The first appraisal is an evaluation of an event’s novelty–complexity, which refers to evaluating an event as new, unexpected, complex, hard to process, surprising, mysterious, or obscure. This appraisal isn’t surprising: Intuition and decades of research show that new, complex, and unexpected events can cause interest. The second, less obvious appraisal is an evaluation of an event’s comprehensibility. Appraisal theories would label this appraisal a coping-potential appraisal because it involves people considering whether they have the skills, knowledge, and resources to deal with an event. In the case of interest, people are "dealing with" an unexpected and complex event—they are trying to understand it. In short, if people appraise an event as new and as comprehensible, then they will find it interesting.
...Finding something understandable is the hinge between interest and confusion—a related knowledge emotion. New and comprehensible works are interesting; new and incomprehensible things are confusing. ... Experiments that manipulate participants’ appraisals find that people are more interested when stimuli are made both more complex and more understandable.
From this theory, Silva extrapolates advice for writers:
According to educational research, the largest predictors of a text’s interestingness are (a) a cluster of novelty–complexity variables (the material’s novelty, vividness, complexity, and surprisingness) and (b) a cluster of comprehension variables (coherence, concreteness, and ease of processing). Intuition tells us that we can make writing interesting by "spicing it up"; research reminds us that clarity, structure, and coherence enhance a reader’s interest, too.
Lennart Sjöberg notes that this theory does not explain everything:
I feel that something is missing in the psychological analysis of interest. Why, of all the thousands of alternatives, is Silvia (and I) interested in the psychology of interest? Silvia freely admits that he does not know (and neither do I). Let me take another example. My 10-year-old granddaughter is extremely interested in horses and riding, like so many girls of her age. Some of that interest possibly can be explained by collative variables and the activity of riding a horse, taking care of it, and so on, but there also seems to be a question of sheer fascination with horses per se, quite regardless of any activity having to do with horses. We may be hardwired to develop a lust for certain types of objects and activities. Genetic determination of part of the interest variance is a very real possibility.
4. What purpose does interest serve? What are its consequences?
Interest’s function is to motivate learning and exploration. By motivating people to learn for its own sake, interest ensures that people will develop a broad set of knowledge, skills, and experience. The need for learning is pressing in infancy. Baby humans are cute but ignorant—they have a lot to learn. Early research on infancy found that exploration, play, and diverse experience enhanced motor and perceptual learning. Beyond infancy, interest is a source of intrinsic motivation for learning. When interested, students persist longer at learning tasks, spend more time studying, read more deeply, remember more of what they read, and get better grades in their classes.
Interest attracts people to new, unfamiliar things, and many of these things will turn out to be trivial, capricious, dangerous, or disturbing. Some people ... might understandably see this as a dark side of interest. Nevertheless, it is because unfamiliar things can be harmful that people need a mechanism that motivates them to try new things. One never knows when some new piece of knowledge, new experience, or new friendship may be helpful. Interest is thus a counterweight to feelings of uncertainty and anxiety.
A related theory:
In his landmark work, Berlyne (1960) proposed that curiosity is a way of managing arousal. Because stimuli high in novelty, complexity, uncertainty, and conflict enhance arousal, people seek novelty and complexity when they are understimulated. In theories of optimal experience, feelings of absorption, concentration, and interest come from tasks in which a person’s skills match the task’s level of challenge.
The following idea, in particular, seems important:
Interest motivates learning about something new and complex; once people understand the thing, it is not interesting anymore. The new knowledge, in turn, enables more things to be interesting. ... In a sense, interest is self-propelling: It motivates people to learn, thereby giving them the knowledge needed to be interested.
So compounding interest is not a concept limited to finance!
5. Is interest merely another label for happiness?
No. Silva explains:
Interest is often lumped together with happiness, but interest and happiness diverge in three ways. First, they serve different functions. Interest motivates people to try new things, places, and experiences; happiness cultivates attachments to things, places, and experiences that have proved rewarding in the past. Because they motivate different actions, interest and happiness can conflict. ... Without interest, people would stubbornly stick with what they like instead of trying new things. Without happiness, people would capriciously flit from new thing to new thing instead of returning to proven sources of enjoyment.
Second, interest and happiness connect to different abstract dimensions of personality. Interest connects to openness to experience, a broad trait associated with curiosity, unconventionality, and creativity. Happiness, in contrast, connects to extraversion, a broad trait associated with positive emotions and gregariousness.
Finally, interest and happiness stem from different appraisals. In a recent experiment, we asked people to view a set of paintings. Some of the paintings—such as landscapes by Claude Lorraine and Claude Monet—were soothing and relaxing. Other paintings—such as works by Francis Bacon and Francisco Goya—were twisted and disturbing. People rated their interest and enjoyment for each painting, and they appraised each painting on a wide range of appraisal dimensions. Our results showed that interest and enjoyment had contrasting within-person relationships with appraisals of the paintings. Paintings rated as interesting were appraised as complex, unfamiliar, negative, and disturbing; paintings rated as enjoyable were appraised as simple, positive, and calming.
6. Should interest be used as a guide for time allocation? Why or why not?
Lennart Sjöberg advises caution:
Should people follow their interest? This is a common idea, often voiced in commemoration speeches and possibly supported by success stories about people who did so and achieved success. However, success also presupposes talent, luck, and the right contacts. Strong tenacity in pursuing an interest may lead to failure if these factors are not present. The notion that one should follow one's true interest is akin to Maslow's self-realization and disregards the problem of talent.
It seems to me, though, that nearly anyone can become an expert at something with practice, so initial talent should be of little concern. In that sense, I endorse following your interests.
This point, however, gave me pause:
In addition, interest may be elastic—that is, it may develop once an activity is started and has led to some stimulating and well-handled challenges.
So maybe there is an interest treadmill much like there is a hedonic treadmill, in which case maybe initial interest should be of little concern(!).
Regardless of whether one should use interest as a guide for time allocation, it seems that people do.
Interest is a strong factor in time allocation; people spend time on what they are interested in, if they have a chance to do so. When they sampled everyday actions at random, Sjöberg and Magneberg (1990) found that people rated most actions as interesting, often highly so.
7. Which typically comes first: interest or talent?
Lennart Sjöberg kind of sort of answers the question:
The development of excellence in any field takes time, a lot of time. Ericsson, Krampe, and Tesch-Römer (1993) have argued that it takes about 10 years of intense training to become a high-achieving expert. Nobody would spend that amount of time without a sustained and very high level of interest and positive feedback. ... Talent for a certain activity and rewards for successes are probably needed for interest to develop and be sustained.
I liked this point of clarification offered by a respondent to my survey:
I do not believe that it is possible to judge talent, except in relation to another, rendering this question unanswerable. For example, does a late bloomer who didn't thrive until their tenth year playing "have talent"? Does an early star who peaked in her first season "have talent"? Does the kid who didn't make the varsity team, but is the best player on the JV team "have talent"?
---
I learned a lot from this. I hope you did too.
I will leave you with a few other questions to ponder, offered by Silva at the conclusion of his paper:
What role does interest play across the lifespan?
How do enduring interests, hobbies, and avocations develop?
Why are some people generally more curious than others?








